Chapter 3 | Science and Engineering Labor Force

Immigration and the S&E Workforce

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Foreign-born workers employed in S&E occupations tend to have higher levels of education than their U.S. native-born counterparts. Among individuals employed in S&E occupations, 17% of foreign-born workers have a doctorate, compared to 10% of U.S. native-born individuals in these occupations. In most S&E occupations, the higher the degree level, the greater the proportion of the workforce who are foreign born (Figure 3-32). This association is strongest among computer and mathematical scientists and engineers. In 2015, at the bachelor’s degree level, the proportion of foreign-born individuals in S&E occupations ranged from 14% (social scientists) to 24% (computer and mathematical scientists). However, at the doctoral level, over 45% were foreign born in each S&E occupation except social sciences.

In 2015, among scientists and engineers employed in S&E occupations, foreign-born workers (median age 39 years) were younger than their native-born counterparts (median age 42 years). The distribution by sex was largely similar across foreign-born (30% female) and native-born (28% female) workers in S&E occupations. Asians accounted for 61% of foreign-born workers in S&E occupations but for only 3% of U.S. native-born workers in these occupations (Appendix Table 3-19). In comparison, whites represented 24% of foreign-born workers in S&E occupations but 85% of native-born workers in these occupations. Nearly 90% of all Asians employed in S&E occupations were foreign born.

In 2015, 58% of foreign-born individuals in the United States with an S&E highest degree were from Asia; another 13% were from Europe. North and Central America, the Caribbean, South America, and Africa each supplied from 3% to 5% of the foreign-born S&E highest degree holders in the United States. In 2015, the leading country of origin among these immigrants was India, which accounted for 21% of the foreign-born S&E degree holders in the United States (Figure 3-33). With nearly half the total for India, China was the second leading country with 10%. Source countries for the 464,000 foreign-born holders of S&E doctorates were somewhat more concentrated, with China providing a higher proportion (22%) than India (16%). These patterns by source region and country for foreign-born S&E highest degree holders in the United States have been stable since at least 2003.

The NSCG asks respondents to provide information on where they received their postsecondary degrees and their motivation for coming to the United States. This information sheds light on the educational and career paths of foreign-born scientists and engineers in the United States and possible factors that influence these paths. Approximately half of foreign-born scientists and engineers in the United States received their initial university training abroad. In 2015, there were about 5.1 million college-educated, foreign-born scientists and engineers employed in the United States; of these, 2.5 million received their first bachelor’s degree abroad. Many of these individuals came to the United States for job or economic opportunities (34%), family-related reasons (26%), or educational opportunities (29%). In contrast, only 7% of foreign-born scientists and engineers with a U.S. bachelor’s degree cited job or economic opportunities, and many more cited family-related reasons (44%) or educational opportunities (24%) as their primary reasons for coming to the United States.

A substantial number of foreign-born scientists and engineers in the United States appear to come here for further higher education after receiving their initial university training abroad. Nearly two-thirds (62%) of the 1.3 million employed foreign-born scientists and engineers who received their initial university training abroad and who hold a master’s degree, doctorate, or professional degree completed their highest degree in the United States. Among these individuals, the most frequently cited reason for coming to the United States was educational opportunities (62%). Family-related reasons (13%) and job or economic opportunities (15%) were cited by much smaller proportions. Among the foreign-born doctorate holders employed in the United States, 66% received this degree from a U.S. institution.

During the 2007–09 economic downturn, two indicators—the number of temporary work visas issued by the U.S. government in visa classes for high-skill workers and the stay rates of foreign-born U.S. doctorate recipients—showed evidence that the volume of new foreign-born workers entering the U.S. S&E workforce might be declining. However, recent data indicate that this period of decline was temporary. In addition to these two indicators, this section discusses characteristics of workers with temporary work visas and country profiles of new foreign-born workers.

The number of temporary work visas issued for high-skill workers provides an indication of how many new immigrant workers are entering the U.S. labor force.^​ After several years of growth, the largest classes of these temporary visas declined during the recent economic downturn. Despite the increases in the issuance of temporary visas since FY 2009, the total numbers of visas issued in some categories have not yet reached the recent highs seen in FY 2007, before the beginning of the economic downturn (Figure 3-34). A decline in the issuance of these visas, particularly H-1B visas, also occurred following the milder recession in 2001.

H-1B visas account for a significant proportion of foreign-born high-skill workers employed by U.S. firms on temporary visas. This type of visa is issued to individuals who seek temporary entry into the United States in a specialty occupation that requires professional skills. It is issued for up to 3 years, with the possibility of an extension to 6 years. In 2015, the United States issued about 173,000 H-1B visas, up 57% from the recent low in 2009 (110,000) and higher than the recent peak in 2007 (154,000).

Issuance of visas in other temporary work categories that usually contain large numbers of high-skill workers has also risen since 2009; however, the H-1B visa category has shown continued increase since 2009, unlike certain other visa classes such as the J-1 and L-1 categories.

The majority of H-1B visa recipients work in S&E or S&E-related occupations. However, precise counts of H-1B visas issued to individuals in these occupations cannot be obtained because USCIS does not classify occupations with the same taxonomy used by NSF. In FY 2016, workers in computer-related occupations as classified by USCIS were the most common recipients of H-1B visas, accounting for 61% of new H-1B visas issued (Appendix Table 3-20). The total number of newly initiated H-1B visas for workers in computer-related fields has increased substantially since 2010, following a steep decline between 2008 and 2009 during the economic downturn (DHS/USCIS 2010, 2012, 2013, 2015, 2016, 2017). The proportion of H-1B recipients who worked in computer sciences was considerably lower in the earlier part of the 2000s. For example, in 2002, only 25% of H-1B visa recipients worked in computer-related fields (NSB 2012).

H-1B visa recipients tend to possess a bachelor’s or higher-level degree. In FY 2016, nearly half of new H-1B visa recipients (44%) had a bachelor’s degree; the rest (55%) had an advanced degree, including 45% with a master’s degree, 3% with a professional degree, and 7% with a doctorate (DHS/USCIS 2017). In FY 2016, 62% of new H-1B visa recipients were from India, and 15% were from China (DHS/USCIS 2017). The preponderance of advanced degrees notwithstanding, H-1B visa recipients were relatively young. In FY 2016, 41% of new H-1B visa recipients were between the ages of 25 and 29, and 30% were between the ages of 30 and 34 (DHS/USCIS 2017).

Table 3-26 shows the starting salaries of new recipients of H-1B visas by occupation group. These starting salaries are reported by employers in the final visa application forms sent to USCIS and differ from the H-1B salaries that firms report earlier in the process on their applications to the Department of Labor. The relatively low median salaries for workers in life sciences may reflect the use of H-1B visas to hire individuals for relatively low-paying postdoc positions.

Among doctorate recipients, the period immediately after earning their doctorate is a pivotal point that can substantially affect long-term career trajectories. During this period, foreign-born doctorate recipients who remain in the United States may set themselves on a path to long-term residency.

At the time that they receive their doctorates, foreign-born students at U.S. universities report whether they intend to stay in the United States and whether they have a firm offer to work in the United States (either a postdoc or a job) the following year.^​ These responses provide estimates of short-term stay rates.^​

Most foreign-born noncitizen recipients of U.S. S&E doctorates (including those on temporary and permanent visas) plan to stay in the United States after graduation (Figure 3-35). According to the most recent 2015 estimates, at the time of doctorate receipt, 76% of foreign-born noncitizen recipients of U.S. S&E doctorates planned to stay in the United States, and 44% had either accepted an offer of postdoc study or employment or were continuing employment in the United States. Both of these proportions have risen since the 1980s. In 1995, 70% planned to stay in the United States after graduation, and 35% said they had firm offers in hand. Throughout the 1980s, these proportions were about 50% and 33%, respectively (NSB 2012).

Although stay rates have risen over an extended period, they have fluctuated within a relatively narrow range since the beginning of the 2000s (Figure 3-35; Appendix Table 3-21). Among foreign-born S&E doctorate recipients, both the percentage reporting plans to stay in the United States and the percentage reporting firm offers to stay have declined since the years just before 2008–2011, a period marked by the economic downturn and its aftermath. The overall number of foreign-born S&E doctorate recipients also declined in 2009 and 2010, although the numbers have since risen, and the 2015 level exceeded the recession-era peak seen in 2008.

Overall, S&E short-term stay rates are high in the mathematics and computer sciences, biological and biomedical sciences, physical and earth sciences, and engineering fields (Appendix Table 3-21). According to the most recent estimates, the short-term stay rates in these four fields ranged from 77% to 81%, as measured by reports of intentions to stay in the United States. However, the short-term stay rates for foreign-born U.S. S&E doctorate recipients in health fields (71%) were somewhat lower, and those in psychology and social sciences (56%) were substantially lower.

Stay rates vary by place of origin. Between 2012 and 2015, the vast majority of U.S. S&E doctorate recipients from China (83%) and from India (87%) reported plans to stay in the United States, and approximately half of these individuals reported accepting firm offers for employment or postdoc research in the United States (Appendix Table 3-21). U.S. S&E doctorate recipients from Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan were less likely than those from China and India to stay in the United States. No more than half of U.S. S&E doctorate recipients from Turkey and Germany had firm plans to stay in the United States after graduation. In North America, the percentage of U.S. S&E doctorate recipients who had definite plans to stay in the United States was higher for those from Canada than for those from Mexico.

Among U.S. S&E doctorate recipients from the two top countries of origin, China and India, the proportions reporting plans to stay in the United States have declined since the mid-2000s (Appendix Table 3-21).

Long-term stay rates indicate the degree to which foreign-born noncitizen recipients of U.S. S&E doctorates enter and remain in the U.S. workforce to pursue their careers. For a particular graduating cohort of foreign-born noncitizen S&E doctorate recipients, the proportion of that cohort who report living in the United States a given number of years after receiving their degrees is an indicator of the cohort’s long-term stay rate. For example, 10-year and 5-year stay rates in 2015 refer to the proportion of 2005 and 2010 graduating cohorts, respectively, who reported living in the United States in 2015.^​

Five- and 10-year stay rates by degree field show similar patterns—with the highest stay rates in the computer and mathematical sciences and engineering (Table 3-27). By country of citizenship at time of degree, China and India, two countries that are the source of more S&E doctorate recipients than any other countries, have the highest 5- and 10-year stay rates (Table 3-28). Overall, the 5-year and 10-year stay rates were both 70% in 2015.

It is also important to know how these estimates compare with earlier estimates based on previous cohorts so as to determine if the stay rates for more recent cohorts have declined or increased. Figure 3-36 shows the 5- and 10-year stay rates measured every 2 years since 2001 for those on temporary visas at the time they received their degrees. The 5-year stay rate shows increases through 2005, a temporary period of decline in 2007 and 2009, and then increases to the highest levels in 2013 and 2015. The 10-year stay rate also increased substantially from 2001 to 2015. The 2015 stay rates are at an all-time high for temporary visa holders, both 5 years and 10 years after degree receipt.

Figure 3-37 highlights a group of U.S. S&E doctorate recipients who display lower-than-average stay rates. These are temporary visa holders who indicated that they received foreign financial support during graduate school. It is understandable that these doctorate recipients would have closer ties to a foreign country—presumably, in most cases, their home country—and might have both more opportunity and greater sense of obligation to leave after completing the doctorate. However, the vast majority of temporary visa holders do not report foreign support as a primary or secondary source of their graduate study. This was true for 94% of temporary visa holders in 2005 and 95% in 2010. Therefore, even though those who receive foreign support have much lower stay rates, there is little influence on aggregate stay rates due to the small size of the group receiving this type of support.